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Malcolm Hoenlein, the executive vice-president,
asked him about the “direct talks” and about “the final-status issues and
especially about Jerusalem.” Netanyahu replied: “I think that
the connection to the Jewish people of Jerusalem is part and parcel of our
connection to our land, and I think it, you all know that there are Jewish
neighborhoods in Jerusalem that under any peace plan will remain where they
are as part of Israel. I don't think that is really contested and I think the
last thing we should do is again pile on grievances and pre-conditions that
prevent the joining of Israel's leadership and the Palestinian leadership to
resolve the problems.”[1] The Jewish Post and News interpreted
Netanyahu’s words as we do here, and concluded in its heading that “Netanyahu
Hints at Flexibility on Jerusalem.” In the body of the article they wrote:
“The implication of Netanyahu’s remark -- that other neighborhoods of
Jerusalem may not remain ‘where they are,’ becoming part of an eventual
Palestinian state -- was the first hint that the Israeli leader may be flexible
on the subject of Jerusalem. Until now, Netanyahu has insisted that Jerusalem
is not up for negotiation.”[2] It is a pretty dramatic shift from “not up for
negotiation” to “the last thing we should do is again pile on...
pre-conditions.” For those of you hoping to interpret that the
negotiable Jerusalem neighborhoods are exclusively the Arab ones, I have bad
news. Netanyahu did not say “the Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem, under any
peace plan, will remain where they are as part of Israel,” but this: “there
are Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem that under any peace plan will remain
where they are as part of Israel,” and this is consistent with at least some
Jewish neighborhoods being up for grabs. Many in the Jewish community have been filled with
shock and concern by all this. I think concern is called for but not the
shock, for what Netanyahu does here is consistent with his political career.
So that his behaviors will not elicit ‘shock’ in the future, we offer the following
analysis. ___________________________________________________________ Contents █ Introduction (above) █ Netanyahu’s previous stint as prime minister █ What Netanyahu now says █
But what can Netanyahu do? ___________________________________________________________ Netanyahu’s previous stint as prime
minister In 1996 the Israeli electorate voted for Benjamin
Netanyahu. What does this mean? To answer that, we must examine what
Netanyahu promised and said before his campaign for prime minister, and
during. In October 1985, when the first whispers leading to
the fated Oslo ‘peace’ process were just beginning, Benjamin Netanyahu
accused in a New York Times editorial that “the destruction of Israel
remains the PLO’s unchanging goal.” Netanyahu further accused that all this
‘peace’ noise that PLO/Fatah was increasingly making (with which
Shimon Peres would eventually sell Oslo to the Israelis and turn PLO/Fatah
into the ‘Palestinian Authority’) was a phony: “As recently as May,”
Netanyahu pointed out, “Abu Nazir, a
leader of al Fatah, said: ‘When we demand the establishment of a Palestinian
state, or even a Jordan-PLO confederation, this is a strategy leading to the
establishment of a state over all of Palestine. The ‘phased policy’ provides
us with a springboard towards further goals.’”[2a] Abu Nazir was
referring to Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas’s ‘Plan of Phases,’ which
specified that PLO/Fatah would announce limited goals, such as a
‘Palestinian state’ in the disputed territories, so that it could build a
platform from which to pursue “its ultimate goal of Israel’s annihilation” (a
policy put dramatically into effect in the Second Intifada).[2b] Netanyahu kept
this rhetoric going until mid-1996, when his loud objections to the Oslo
process got him elected prime minister of Israel. During the campaign,
explains historian Kenneth Levin, “no Israeli better articulated [the]
problems” concerning “the severe flaws in the Oslo process and the dangers
they posed to Israel.” In fact, “at a few points in the campaign he had
indicated he intended... to roll back the territorial concessions made by the
previous government. Moreover, he had implied he saw doing so as justified
under Oslo by virtue of the PA’s failure to fulfill any of its Oslo
obligations.”[3] This anti-Oslo
posture is what Israelis voted for. And why?
Because Yasser Arafat and his PA (‘Palestinian Authority’) had been attacking
them with terror quite in spite of the fact that the Israelis made one
concession after another. What did
Netanyahu do? He pushed the Oslo process forward faster than his
predecessors. Once the votes
were in and counted he changed his stance immediately. The Houston
Chronicle reported the following in June of 1996, before Netanyahu could
even settle into the prime ministerial chair: “The Palestinians will soon declare an independent
state and no one can stop them, Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat
said yesterday. ...In keeping with Netanyahu’s post-election moderate tone,
with which he seeks to reassure people at home and abroad of his commitment
to the [Oslo] peace process, his statement did not denounce Arafat’s remarks
but rather said the premier-elect ‘sees things differently’ from Arafat on
final status talks.”[3a] Netanyahu was moving fast. In July, as reported in
the New York Times, “Mr. Netanyahu...has said that he would abide by
the accords with the Palestinians if they do, and would consider meeting
Yasir Arafat, the Palestinian leader, if necessary.”[3b] “On August 14,
1996” Kenneth Levin points out, Netanyahu “reentered negotiations with Arafat
without having made any headway [with the Palestinian Authority] on the
compliance issue.” In September Arafat accused that the government of Israel
was tunneling under Islamic holy sites (not true) in order to launch a series
of violent disturbances, and his armed forces even fired on Israeli soldiers.
The press (naturally) interpreted matters as Arafat did and the pressure was
renewed on Netanyahu. “Netanhayu... responded to the pressure by reentering
negotiations with the PA, briefly terminated in the context of the fighting,
and by agreeing in the ensuing weeks to terms of withdrawal from Hebron. He
did so despite his still not having secured any reversal of the PA’s pattern
of noncompliance with its Oslo obligations.” Arafat received 80% of Hebron.
An Interim Agreement, supposedly subject to reciprocity by the Palestinian
Authority in its Oslo obligations, and supervised by the United States,
called the Israeli government to withdraw in stages from additional areas.[4] “...The Israeli army completed its withdrawal from
the ceded areas of Hebron within hours of the Knesset approval of the
agreement on January 16. Almost immediately, the PA initiated harassment of
the Jewish enclave in Hebron, with rioting, stone throwing, firebombing, and
gunfire. This continued on and off thereafter. The [Israeli] government added
the events in Hebron to its list of talking points on the Palestinian
Authority’s violations of its Oslo commitments and frequently reiterated its
demand for reciprocity. But it nevertheless went ahead and offered on March 7
to hand over another 9.1 percent of West Bank territory to the Palestinians
as the first of those ‘further deployments’ called for in the Interim
Agreement.”[5] That
withdrawal didn’t happen because the Palestinians were demanding more than
9.1%. During this period, while Netanyahu complained in public about the
Palestinian Authority’s noncompliance, there were “additional incidents of
violence, in many instances perpetrated by Palestinian ‘police,’ including
terrorist attacks initiated by Palestinian armed forces.” Among other things
that were documented was “the PA’s paying Palestinian youths to riot and
attack Israeli soldiers and Jewish residents of Hebron, and the PA’s
deploying in Hebron nearly four times the number of policemen allowed by the
accord (1500 rather than the allowed 400).”[6] The
international pressure, most of the Israeli press, and the opposition within
Israel continued against Netanyahu, who was portrayed as the villain. Not for
betraying the Israelis, but for not moving fast enough with that betrayal.
The US government rejected any demand that the Palestinian Authority
reciprocate and insisted that the Israelis withdraw from an additional 13% of
the West Bank in order to give Arafat effective control over 40%. In October
of 1998 Netanyahu folded and agreed, in the Wye Plantation accord, to that
additional 13%. Supposedly the agreement stipulated that the Americans would
verify the Palestinian Authority’s compliance with the agreement, but this
was not done.[7] If this were
not enough, with respect to Syria, “[Netanyahu] largely followed his immediate
predecessors’ policies, seeking to reach accommodation with Syria based on
Israel’s essentially ceding the entire Golan Heights. ...Netanyahu also
followed his Labor predecessors in allowing Syria—for the sake of keeping
illusory possibilities of an agreement ‘alive’—to continue to prosecute its
proxy war against Israeli forces in Lebanon at no cost.”[8] There is
without question a perception that Netanyahu is ‘tougher’ when it comes to
defending Israel. And without question this is due to the political marketing
effort that has sold this image of Netanyahu to the public, and due also to
his public statements. But this perception has no grounding in the facts
of Ntanyahu’s first stint as prime minister. ___________________________________________________________ What Netanyahu now says A few days ago
Netanyahu gave a long interview to talk-show host Larry King of CNN. In the
footnote we reproduce the entire text of the interview.[9] Some of his statements are
most interesting and deserve a close inspection. I point out,
first of all, the manner in which Netanyahu now sells himself: “Seven months ago, I did something quite
extraordinary, that is, no other prime minister in Israel's history did this.
I put on a temporary freeze of 10 months of new construction in the
settlements in order to encourage the Palestinians to get into the peace
talks.” Notice that
Netanyahu is bragging that he makes concessions to the Palestinian
Authority, despite the fact that the PA is still not abiding by agreements
and refuses to engage in peace talks in which it always comes out the winner.
Further below Netanyahu brags that “I removed hundreds of check points,
hundreds of road blocks” that had been erected to protect Israelis from
Palestinian terrorism. Netanyahu
says: “I think it's important to make peace with the Palestinians. And I'm
prepared to negotiate that peace right away. ...They should have their own
independent country.” Will there be any conditions? “We should be assured,”
he explains, “that this country is not used as a staging ground for
Iranian-sponsored terrorist attacks on us.” This stance is consistent with other things that
Netanyahu says. King asks him: “Do you -- you absolutely favor a Palestinian
state though, right?” And Netanyahu replies: “I do. And I want to make sure
that it -- that we don't have a repeat of what happened in the other two
times that we vacated territory. You know, we left Lebanon, every last square
inch of it. And Iran came in and used it as a staging ground to launch 6,000
rockets on Israel's cities, 6,000. We left Gaza, last square inch, and Iran
used it to arm its proxies and fired another 6,000 rockets. So we can't
afford that happening a third time.” About Hamas, which controls Gaza, he says: “I think
in the case of Hamas, it’s basically a proxy, a terror proxy of Iran. Iran
openly calls for our destruction.” King asks him: “What's -- what about
Hezbollah, Lebanon, that -- four years since the war with Hezbollah and
Lebanon. Are you still concerned about them?” Netanyahu: “Unfortunately, yes,
because it is basically an Iranian terror proxy.” King asks: “Mr. prime
minister, Iran, how much -- the word fear apply -- how much do you fear their
intentions? Do you -- do you -- what's the worst-case scenario to you?” And
Netanyahu replies: “Well, we've learned in history and in Jewish history to
take seriously those who call for our extermination.” The argument
is clear. Netanyahu does not want to see “happening a third time,” he claims,
the fiasco of handing over territory only to see it become an Iranian
terrorist base on Israel’s border, particularly when Iran announces out loud
that it means to exterminate the Israeli Jews. Those fiascos took place when
Hamas and Hezbollah, terrorist proxies of Iran, acquired territories that
Israel simply gave away. The implication is that PLO/Fatah, better
known these days as the ‘Palestinian Authority,’ is different, because
Netanyahu “absolutely favors” that it get an independent State on Israeli territory
and, he says, “I’m prepared to negotiate that peace right away.” But... wait a
second. There is a problem with this. The problem
with Netanyahu’s position is that PLO/Fatah, too, is an Iranian
terrorist proxy. The theocratic
Iranian regime that was inaugurated with Ayatollah Khomeini’s revolution of
1979 was, in fact, installed in power with the help of PLO/Fatah, for
they trained Khomeini’s guerrillas. Yasar Arafat, then leader of PLO/Fatah,
was the first foreign personality to be invited, just a few days after the
seizure of power, to celebrate in Tehran with Khomeini. From there they both
announced that Israel would be destroyed and the Iranian Revolution exported
to the entire Muslim world. Since then, though they have on occasion
pretended otherwise in public, PLO/Fatah has maintained very close
ties with the genocidal regime it helped install in power. None of this is
difficult to document because the relevant information is all in the public
domain, so the Israeli intelligence services, focused as they are especially
on PLO/Fatah and Iran, are perforce quite well informed about
everything included in the following HIR investigation: ► “PLO/Fatah and Iran: The Special Relationship” By the way, a Pentagon study
concluded that if Judea and Samaria (the ‘West Bank’) were ever to fall into
enemy hands, Israel would not survive in the long run a combined Muslim
effort to destroy her.[10]
What is most amazing about this Pentagon study is that one may find it, as an
appendix, in a book that Benjamin Netanyahu published in 2000.[11] So Netanyahu “absolutely favors” that a territory
indispensable to Israeli security be given to a terrorist proxy of Iran, the
State openly calling for the extermination of the Israelis. And he does so
knowing that this territory is indispensable, and knowing that PLO/Fatah
is an Iranian terrorist proxy. Woe to that
Israeli who feels at all comforted by Netanyahu’s statement to Larry King:
“I’m prepared to have a demilitarized Palestinian state live next to the
Jewish state of Israel.” It looks and feels like a condition: there will be
no Palestinian state unless it is a demilitarized state. But we have seen
already how much stock one can place on Netanyahu’s word. Jerusalem used to
be non-negotiable, and now “the last thing we need to do is pile on
grievances and preconditions.” Mahmoud
Abbas just announced (July 17, 2010) that in order to renew ‘peace’ talks
Israel must accept that some third party be the guarantor of the future
Palestinian state’s borders. We have already seen what happens with this kind
of arrangement: Southern Lebanon was supposed to be guaranteed by UN forces,
but the UN has allowed Hezbollah to install itself there with zero problem,
and with more Iranian armament than ever. Let nobody gasp in surprise when,
in the near future, Netanyahu (or his successor) agrees to this condition.[11a] ___________________________________________________________ But what can Netanyahu do? Netanyahu can
tell the truth. He is certainly under no obligation to tell lies. And his
responsibility, as Israeli prime minister, is to tell Israeli citizens the
truth. The truth is
powerful. Netanyahu can call a press conference to inform about the close
relationship between PLO/Fatah and Iran, and he can present the
documentation we have presented on HIR and a lot more that the Israeli
intelligence services no doubt possess. This would contribute, at least, to
undermine PLO/Fatah’s ‘peace partner’ image, for nobody denies that
Iran seeks to destroy Israel. The Jewish State is in danger precisely because
it has been losing the propaganda war, but the Israeli prime minister,
instead of refuting that propaganda that has raised PLO/Fatah’s
prestige, pushes it forward with a world megaphone on Larry King Live. And there is
yet more powerful information. Netanyahu
claims, as we saw, that “we’ve learned in history and in Jewish history to
take seriously those who call for our extermination.” Well then he should
take Hajj Amin al Husseini seriously. Husseini did
not stop at calling for the extermination of the Jewish people, he directed
this extermination for the German Nazis. He was the instigator, organizer,
and director of the great mass killing together with this best friend, Adolf
Eichmann. This was documented at the Nuremberg war crimes trials. After this,
in the postwar period, Husseini secured nazi training for Yasser Arafat and
Mahmoud Abbas in Cairo, fathering in this way the creation of Al Fatah,
which soon thereafter would swallow the PLO and take its name. This is
documented here: ►
“How did the 'Palestinian movement' emerge? The British sponsored it. Then
the German Nazis, and the US.” Benjamin Netanyahu “absolutely favors” that an
Iranian terrorist proxy, created by the top leader of the Nazi Final
Solution, be installed in strategic territory of the Jewish State. This
is a Jewish leader? Where is the evidence, then, that he has learned so much
from history? Does he have an alternative? But of course he does.
Netanyahu can call a press conference to inform about the Nazi origins of
PLO/Fatah. This would destroy completely the diplomatic and media
circus that has raised the prestige of PLO/Fatah as Israel’s supposed
‘peace partner.’ But Netanyahu doesn’t do this. On the contrary: Netanyahu
lends his prestige to this colossal fraud.
Or could it be that Netanyahu doesn’t know? That’s
impossible. In the first place, this is not a secret for those who look into
such matters, and certainly not for those equipped with an intelligence
service dedicated to investigating PLO/Fatah. Moreover, I myself was
expelled from the University of Pennsylvania when I made PLO/Fatah’s
Nazi origins public on Israel National News. If this were not enough, under pressure from us,[12] the candidate
who competed with Netanyahu for the Likud leadership in the last election, Moshe Feiglin, published in
the middle of his contest with Netanyahu an article in which he explained
PLO/Fatah’s roots in the Nazi Final Solution.
It is impossible, therefore, that Netanyahu is unaware of this. Let nobody
gasp in surprise that Netanyahu is hinting now that he will hand over parts
of Jerusalem to the enemy. And let nobody gasp in surprise, either, that he
should tell Larry King that “I'm prepared to release 1,000 Palestinian
prisoners for Gilad [Shalit],” thus teaching Hamas a lesson on just how well
terrorism pays, and the large dividends to be had from kidnapping just one
Israeli soldier. Don’t gasp in
surprise. But be afraid. Be very afraid.
Footnotes and
Further Reading [1] “PM Netanyahu addresses
Conference of Presidents of American Jewish Organizations”; Israel Ministry
of Foreign Affairs [2]
“Netanyahu hints at flexibility on Jerusalem”; Jewish Post and News;
Thursday, 08 July 2010 08:39; by Uriel Heilman [2a] BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: “...the
destruction of Israel remains the P.L.O.’s unchanging goal... As recently as
May, Abu Nazir, a leader of al Fatah, said: ‘When we demand the establishment
of a Palestinian state, or even a Jordan-P.L.O. confederation, this is a
strategy leading to the establishment of a state over all of Palestine. The
‘phased policy’ provides us with a springboard towards further goals’...” FUENTE: Face
Up to the P.L.O.'s True Nature, The New York Times, October 16, 1985,
Wednesday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 27, Column 1; Editorial
Desk, 792 words, By Benjamin Netanyahu; Benjamin Netanyahu is Israel's permanent
representative to the United Nations and editor of the forthcoming book
''Terrorism: How the West Can Win.'' [2b] “Shortly after signing the
Declaration of Principles and the famous handshake between [PLO leader Yasser]
Arafat and [Israeli prime minister] Yitzhak Rabin on the White House lawn,
Arafat was declaring to his Palestinian constituency over Jordanian
television that Oslo was to be understood in terms of the [PLO’s] Palestine
National Council’s 1974 decision. This was a reference to the so-called Plan
of Phases, according to which the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]
would acquire whatever territory it could by negotiations, then use that land
as a base for pursuing its ultimate goal of Israel’s annihilation. FUENTE: Levin,
K. 2005. The Oslo syndrome: Delusions of a people under siege. Hanover, NH:
Smith and Kraus. (p.ix) [3] Levin, K. (2005). The Oslo
syndrome: Delusions of a people under siege. Hanover, NH: Smith and Kraus.
(p.397) [3a] “The Palestinians will soon
declare an independent state and no one can stop them, Palestinian Authority
Chairman Yasser Arafat said yesterday. ...In keeping with Netanyahu’s
post-election moderate tone, with which he seeks to reassure people at home
and abroad of his commitment to the peace process, his statement did not
denounce Arafat’s remarks but rather said the premier-elect ‘sees things
differently’ from Arafat on final status talks.” FUENTE: Moment
for courage upon us in the Mideast, The Houston Chronicle, June 9, 1996,
Sunday, 2 STAR Edition, OUTLOOK; Outlook; Pg. 5, 1133 words, JAMES A. BAKER
III [3b] “Mr.
Netanyahu...has said that he would abide by the accords with the Palestinians
if they do, and would consider meeting Yasir Arafat, the Palestinian leader,
if necessary. Mr. Sharon has condemned the agreements as ‘terrible and
dangerous’ and calls Mr. Arafat a terrorist and war criminal.” FUENTE: Sharon
Joins Netanyahu's Cabinet at Last, The New York Times, July 9, 1996, Tuesday,
Late Edition - Final, Section A; Page 6; Column 1; Foreign
Desk , 679 words, By JOEL GREENBERG , JERUSALEM, July 8 [4] The Oslo syndrome (pp.398-402) [5] The Oslo syndrome (pp.402-403) [6] The Oslo syndrome (pp.403-404) [7] The Oslo syndrome (pp.406-410) [8] The Oslo syndrome (pp.411) [9] Interview
With Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu; CNN; July 7, 2010 Wednesday;
NEWS; International; 5805 words; Larry King [ FULL TRANSCRIPT ] KING: We only go
back -- well, almost 30 years. B.B., that's his nickname, but I have to refer
to him as Prime Minister Netanyahu because that's formality here. Benjamin
Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister in New York, a city he knows very well,
used to be ambassador to the U.N. Let's get right to it. It's good seeing you
again, by the way. NETANYAHU: Good to see
you, Larry. You didn't have to reveal how far back we go together. KING: That's right,
you got a point. A few months ago, you went to the White House. It didn't go
too well. What changed yesterday? NETANYAHU: I think
there's an underlying relationship there that people don't appreciate. We
have our ups and downs. People focus on the downs and the downs are
exaggerated and sometimes distorted. But there is ups and there's a basic
bedrock of identification, common values between Israel and the United
States. The president gives it expression. I give it expression. And
yesterday's meeting gave it expression. I think there is a solidity of ties
between Israel and the United States that the president of the United States
and the prime minister of Israel reflect in their meeting. KING: No matter who
holds the posts? NETANYAHU: I think every
prime minister, every president, has his own points, his own viewpoints, but
there's a common position of friendship and a basic alliance that is there,
that really is continued by all leaders, whoever they are. That was
definitely the case yesterday. KING: Mr. Prime
Minister, have there been times, though, since President Obama took office,
where you felt that friendship or that tie weakened? NETANYAHU: No, a lot of
things that the public is not aware of that throughout the year and some that
I've been in office, we've had continuous cooperation in the fields of
security, in the fields of intelligence, in the fields of vital strategic
importance to Israel and the United States. And that seems to go unnoticed or
unremarked. People always focus on differences of views that we may have.
They're minor compared to the things that unite us. We have -- Israel is the only democracy in the Middle
East. America's the world's greatest democracy. We have both common values
and, unfortunately, common enemies. The people who attack the United States
and the Middle East attack Israel. The people that we are fighting are the
people you are fighting. So there's a great commonalty, a great cooperation
that goes underneath the surface. And sometimes, I'm happy to say, it does
come to the surface. It did yesterday. It really should be an indication of
something that guides our relationship throughout. KING: So there's no
time that you question President Obama's commitment to your country? NETANYAHU: No. And I
think there's no time that he questioned Israel's unwavering commitment as a
firm American ally. I would say there is no greater ally, no greater friend
of the United States, than Israel. And there is no greater friend and no
greater ally of Israel than the United States. KING: There were
those who were saying, though, in the past few months, until that meeting
yesterday, the relationships were at the lowest they have been in 35 years.
Do you buy that? NETANYAHU: Look, no, I
don't. I think the support for Israel and the American people and the
intertwining of interests and cooperation between our governments is
increasing all the time. It's obscured by the bumps on the road. But there's
no question that the road is going forward and going upwards, I have no doubt
about that. KING: All right,
let's get into some things. Mr. Prime Minister, you say that you want to have
direct talks with the Palestinians. So when are you and President Abbas, the
Palestinian Authority, going to sit down? When's it going to happen? It's so
frustrating to the world -- NETANYAHU: That's a very
-- that's an excellent question that I've been asking for a year and a
quarter, ever since I got into office. On day one that I got in, I said
President Abbas, the Palestinian president, meet me and let's talk peace. And I use this forum today, on the "Larry
King" show, to say, President Abbas, meet me, and let's talk peace. We
all have our grievances. We all have our, you know, our questions and things
that we want answered. But the most important thing is to get together, sit
down in a room and begin to negotiate peace. You cannot resolve a conflict,
you cannot successfully complete a peace negotiation if you don't start it. And I say let's start it right now, today, tomorrow,
in Jerusalem, in Ramallah or anywhere else. I'm prepared to go to a warm city
like New York or a cool city anywhere. Let's get on with the business of
talking peace and concluding the peace agreement. KING: So, forgive
me, what's holding it up? He could watch this show. We did a show some years
ago with Arafat, with Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan, a historic show.
I was in Washington. The three of them were in their homelands. It was
terrific. Why can't -- would you do that, if we had you and Abbas and we had
the king of Jordan on? Could we do that now? NETANYAHU: You're on,
Larry. From my point of view, immediately, no problem. KING: All right. So
if we worked on that, we could set it up? Because it's -- it's frustrating --
go ahead. NETANYAHU: Well, I'm
just saying that you're hitting the nail right on the head. I mean, what is
there to prevent a meeting between the prime minister of Israel, in
Jerusalem, and the president of the Palestinian Authority, Mahmoud Abbas,
who's 10 minutes away in Ramallah, that's when you have traffic. Without
traffic, it's seven minutes. I really like and respect Senator George Mitchell,
President Obama's envoy to the Middle East. But I find it perplexing and
unnecessary that president -- that Senator Mitchell has to travel halfway
across the world to relay messages between President Abbas and myself.
There's no need for that. We should sit down. We have very serious issues to
discuss. Our security, the question of where the borders will end up,
the question of settlements, the question of Palestinian refugees, the
question of water. All these things are crucially important. The only way that they're going to be resolved is if
we actually sit down and negotiate a peace. I think leaders have to do
exactly that. I think we have to break molds, break stereotypes, and cut
right through to a solution. I'm prepared to do it. I'm prepared to lead. And
I hope that President Abbas hears my call, responds to it. I think we'll have
important and steady help from President Obama. But there is no substitute for the two leaders. The
leader of Israel and the leader of the Palestinian Authority, to get down
together, talk peace and make peace. KING: And we can
kick it off on this show. We'll be right back with Benjamin Netanyahu, the
Israeli prime minister. Don't go away. [. . .] KING: We're back
with Prime Minister Netanyahu. He is in New York. We're in Los Angeles.
What about the settlements issue? President Obama said yesterday he expected
talks to begin before the moratorium on settlement construction expires which
is late September. Will you extend the moratorium, by the way, if things
aren't settled by late September? NETANYAHU: Larry,
the whole settlement issue was supposed to be discussed in the final peace --
what are called final status peace negotiations, which means how to achieve a
final peace. This is one of the issues we have to resolve. Seven months ago, I did something quite extraordinary,
that is, no other prime minister in Israel's history did this. I put on a
temporary freeze of 10 months of new construction in the settlements in order
to encourage the Palestinians to get into the peace talks. Seven months have
passed by. They don't come in. They say, oh, we need now, another extension.
And the answer is, right now, listen, we don't need any pretext and
preconditions. Let's just get into the talks. And one of the things we'll discuss, right away, is
issues of settlements. And that's what I propose doing. In any case, what is
important is to get down and talk. That's the important thing. KING: President
Clinton once said to me that the difficulties in the Middle East are harder to
solve than Ireland/England. That it's so deep rooted and so frustrating. Can
you explain to a waiting world why you can't get together? NETANYAHU: I can, and
I'm offering to do exactly that. I think there's been a persistent refusal in
many Arab quarters to recognize the state of Israel borders. I think the
issue of borders is important. It's related to our security. But the issue of
recognition, the basic recognition of the Jewish state that exists in the
Middle East, that is the homeland of the Jewish people, that lives in peace
and security with its neighbors, is something that is recognized by some. We made peace with Egypt. We made peace with Jordan.
I think it's important to make peace with the Palestinians. And I'm prepared to negotiate that peace right away.
I think it requires courage on the Palestinian side for all those who don't
really want a peace with Israel, to stand up and do what president -- the
late president of Egypt, Anwar Sadat did, and to say, hey, it's over, no more
war, no more bloodshed. We're going to make a genuine peace with Israel. I'm prepared to have a demilitarized Palestinian
state live next to the Jewish state of Israel. I think the Palestinians should not be either
subject of Israel or citizens of Israel. They should have their own
independent country. And we should be assured that this country is not
used as a staging ground for Iranian-sponsored terrorist attacks on us.
And I think this combination of state for the Palestinians and security for
Israel is something that can be brought about in direct negotiations that I
propose to start without any preconditions, without any pretext. KING: Right. NETANYAHU: Leaders don't
need excuses. They just have to get on with it and I'm prepared to get on
with it. KING: Do you -- you absolutely
favor a Palestinian state though, right? NETANYAHU: I
do. And I want to make sure that it -- that we don't have a repeat of what
happened in the other two times that we vacated territory. You know, we left
Lebanon, every last square inch of it. And Iran came in and used it as a
staging ground to launch 6,000 rockets on Israel's cities, 6,000. We left Gaza, last square inch, and Iran used it to arm its proxies
and fired another 6,000 rockets. So we can't afford that happening a third
time. Now, when I say that, Larry, you can now reach one
of two conclusions. Either don't make any peace attempt or ensure that the
peace you do make has the necessary security arrangements on the ground to
prevent this from happening a third time. That's what I propose to do. And I
think it's possible to fashion a secure peace for Israel and a dignified
peace and a dignified life for the Palestinians. I discussed this at some
length yesterday with President Obama. And I'm very happy with the progress
of those talks. KING: All right. But
Abbas isn't the only leader we have to concern ourselves with. Would you sit
down with Hamas? NETANYAHU: I'll
sit down with anyone who will recognize my existence. Somebody who calls for
our destruction, my destruction, is unfortunately not a partner for peace. KING: So you would
not sit down -- NETANYAHU: -- Hamas that
calls -- well, you know, would you sit down with somebody who said we want to
destroy the United States? Now come and talk to us? KING: Do you think
they can -- that can change at all? Do you think there's some way --
Secretary Mitchell, Senator Mitchell maybe somewhat in between can get a
little tempering of the language? I mean, we're trying for the same result
here. Nobody gets killed hopefully. NETANYAHU: I think in the case
of Hamas, it's basically a proxy, a terror proxy of Iran. Iran openly calls
for our destruction. It denies the Holocaust. It sponsors
terrorism everywhere. It brutalizes its own people. Hamas, by the way, does the
same thing to the Palestinians in Gaza. They don't really have a choice. They
can't really vote the Hamas out. They can't decide their own fate. But look at what is happening in the West Bank with
our cooperation. You know, we removed -- I removed hundreds of check points,
hundreds of road blocks. And the Palestinian economy on the
West Bank is just booming. I mean, there's coffee shops, there's shopping
malls, there's e-businesses, you name it. It's growing at about 8 percent or
9 percent a year which isn't bad these days. And I'm very happy for that. And I want to add on to
that a formal peace -- peace with security and prosperity. Hamas is totally
the other way around. They are -- you know, they're subjecting their own
people to terrible things. And they're using the territory to just stockpile
weapons. I wish they -- I wish they'd change, and I wish they'd accept the
state of Israel. But as long as they call for our destruction, there's not
much we can do. KING: We'll be
right back with the prime minister of Israel after this. [. . .] KING: We're back
with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of the state of Israel. Your
coalition, we know this, has some right wingers who don't agree with the
notion of a Palestinian state. You have some difficulties. There are always
inner politics going on. Is there any way, a pragmatic way, to bring you and
the Kadima together? NETANYAHU: Well, I've
called for a national unity I've formed one. I've formed Likud labor
alliance. And I'm always happy to broaden it to people who want to serve the
nation. You know, getting into the intricacies of Israeli politics would take
a lot more of -- even a long program of "Larry King." It's a
subject of encyclopedic advantage. KING: Back to the
difficulties. In May, Israeli forces stormed a ship on a humanitarian mission
to Gaza. Several Turkish activists were killed. I don't know if you've --
have you ever publicly said that you were wrong to do this? NETANYAHU: Well, we were
definitely sorry about the loss of life. But I'll tell you what happened.
First of all, why do we check ships that go to Gaza? Because we are concerned
with the flow of -- the possible flow of weaponry into Gaza. We've had, as I
said, thousands of rockets fired on us. I think that what people fail to recognize is that
there were six ships. Five of them were totally peaceful and nothing of
substance happened. Our navy checked these ships. And we didn't have any
incident. The sixth ship was very different. It had about 500 people on it,
of which about 450 were peaceful people. But several dozen were activists of a very radical
group that had apparently amassed steel rods, knives, communication
equipment. They boarded differently than the other passengers, the other 450
passengers, boarded in one port in Turkey. They went through security checks.
These people boarded in another port in Istanbul. They didn't go through any
security checks. They had their own communication equipment. They had their
own -- their own steel pipes and things that they brought on board. And when our Coast Guard effectively wanted to check
this ship and make sure that it behaved the way the other five did, they were
brutally attacked. You can see that in the films that were released. Our
soldiers, our navy people were fighting for their lives. What would you do if the Coast Guard boarded a ship
and the Coast Guard was brutally attacked by people who were, you know,
clubbing them, knifing them, taking weapons from them, shooting at them? What
do you think would happen? How do you think the American people would
respond? KING: OK. But how do
you repair the damage with a state you need to be friendly, Turkey? NETANYAHU: Well, you're
quite right, that Turkey and Israel had an important relationship. Turkey's a
very important country in the Middle East. I think that the relationship
began to deteriorate with the Turkish policy, a new policy, that basically
veers away from the West and I think Israel -- what has happened with Israel
as a result of that policy and not its cause. But nevertheless, I look for every opportunity to
see if we can stop this deterioration and somehow get things back to normal
or relatively normal. Last week, I authorized a meeting with one of my senior
ministers and the Turkish foreign minister. They met in Zurich, in the
airport. I can't tell you that something positive came out of
it. But I want to feel, as prime minister of Israel, that I leave no stone
unturned in the quest for -- the quest for a broader peace, and the quest of
good relations with our neighbors. And even though it may not succeed right
now, we'll keep trying. KING: Will you meet
with Turkish leaders? NETANYAHU: Sure. KING: We'll take a
break. We'll be right back with more of the Israeli prime minister. Don't go
away. KING: We're very interested
in your comments, Mr. Prime Minister, on the statements made by former
American President Jimmy Carter. He called the incident with the ship, the
attack on the ship, unprovoked and an illegal Israeli assault. He also says,
there's no way to realize a two-state solution, while, quote, "the
people of Gaza remain isolated and deprived of basic human rights." How
do you respond to President Carter? NETANYAHU: Well, first
of all, I think he's wrong on the incident. I described to you what happened. KING: All right. NETANYAHU: We regret the
loss of life, but we don't apologize for our soldiers defending themselves.
And I think that's obvious. Secondly, I think the people of Gaza are, indeed,
incarcerated by Hamas. Third, I removed all the civilian -- civilian closure
that we had. That is, the prevention of free flow of civilian goods, food,
medicine, anything, toys. I actually changed a policy that I inherited from
the previous government. And it put both civilian closure on Gaza and a
security closure. I said we really have to be clear about our policy.
Our policy is that weapons and war-supporting material don't go in. And
everything else should go in. Food and everything else should go in. So I
changed that policy. And I'm glad I did it, because I think there's clarity
and there's common sense in it. I'm sorry that not everyone can see that. But
I think fair minded people can see it and, in fact, do. KING: Does it pain
you personally to have a former president of the United States be so critical
of your country? NETANYAHU: Well, I'm
sorry he thinks that. I think the majority -- the overwhelming majority of
Americans see things differently. I think -- I think successful presidents,
including this one, see things differently. And the important thing is to --
is to be true to the facts. The facts are that Israel was attacked from Gaza.
The fact is that we had -- that Iran sends weapons into Gaza so they'd be
fired on us. The fact is that this regime, Hamas, is holding an Israeli
soldier that they kidnapped for four years. Four years this soldier, Gilad
Shalit, has not been allowed to see anyone. They don't allow the Red Cross to
visit him. This is a complete violation of international norms. I think if
anything bears condemnation, it is this -- this inhumane terrorist regime. And I would hope that international condemnation is
directed there. That's where it belongs, and not against Israel, a struggling
democracy, striving to live and to make peace with its neighbors. It should
not be condemned. It should be encouraged to -- (CROSS TALK) KING: Does it
concern you, Mr. Prime Minister, that Israel's image around the world is
poor? You're not in high regard at the U.N. You seem to be, from a public
relations standpoint, pr standpoint, in trouble. NETANYAHU: Well, that's
one of the reasons I'm appearing on "THE LARRY KING show." There's
a difference between perception and reality. The reality is the people of
Israel yearn for peace, pray for peace. We've not had a day's peace, a day of
complete peace, since the founding of the state in 1948. We know the cost of
wars. There's -- many Israelis have suffered it. I've suffered it personally.
I've lost a brother in the war between the wars known as terror. Many of my
friends have lost direct relatives. We know the loss of war. We know the sorrows of war.
We know the blessings of peace. Yet, at the same time, we forged a peace
agreement with Egypt. We forged a peace agreement with Jordan. And throughout
these years, we built a robust economy. Israel is a beehive of creativity and
innovation. The economy is growing. It's one of the best performing economies
in the developed world. There's a story there that doesn't get told, both of
our desire for peace, our sacrifices for peace, and our building of a better
reality. And I can envision, if we had the kind of peace I envisioned with
the Palestinians, we could see what we're seeing now in the West Bank, this
great prosperity envelop the entire region. I think Israel could make a tremendous contribution
to the well- being of its Arab neighbors. I think peace could bring for our
children, my children and their children, something beyond their imagination.
It could be a different life, a different reality. And I'm prepared to do it.
I'm prepared to move and lead my people to that peace. I need a partner on
the other side. KING: When we come
back, we'll talk about Iran with the president -- with the prime minister of
Israel, right after this. [. . .] KING: Mr. prime minister,
Iran, how much -- the word fear apply -- how much do you fear their
intentions? Do you -- do you -- what's the worst-case scenario to you? NETANYAHU: Well, we've learned
in history and in Jewish history to take seriously those who call for our
extermination. A lot of people in the past century,
the 20th century, didn't take such calls seriously. And we know the awful
price that was paid by the Jewish people and later by rest of humanity for
not taking seriously these kinds of statements. The fact that after the
Holocaust, a sovereign government at once denies the Holocaust and calls for
the destruction of the Jewish state is just outrageous. Do we take it seriously? Absolutely, we take it
seriously. We also know that Israel was founded to defend the Jewish people.
So we reserve always the right to defend ourselves. KING: If you
determined that they had nuclear capability, would you attack Iran? NETANYAHU: You know,
I've taken note of President Obama's statement that he's determined to
prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. I see that sanctions have been
adopted, modest sanctions at the U.N. But more robust sanctions recently by
the Congress was signed by the president the other day. I hope the other
nations follow America's lead in this. Will it be enough to stop the Iranian
nuclear program? I can't tell you, Larry. I do tell you that the president
has said that all options are on the table. And I do tell you that Israel
always reserves the right to defend itself. That's the purpose for which it
was founded, to defend Jewish lives. KING: Assuming --
Israel has never said it has nuclear weapons, but the world thinks it does.
Why is it OK for Israel to have nuclear weapons and Iran not to have nuclear
weapons? Hypothetically, if Israel has them, why is it OK for them to have
them and the other not? NETANYAHU: Well, we said
we wouldn't be the first to introduce these weapons into the Middle East. But
equally, we're not threatening to destroy any country. We don't seek the
destruction of any country or any people. We don't say that an entire people
has to be wiped off the map of the Earth. We don't have such intentions. And I think all nuclear proliferation is bad. But
some of it is a lot worse. It does make a difference whether Holland has nuclear
weapons, or the Ayatollah regime that sponsored terrorism and calls for
Israel's destruction, whether it is nuclear weapons. And I think there's a
common understanding right now, something that I spoke about 16 years ago, 14
years -- to be precise, 1996, when I was elected, 14 years ago. I spoke
before the joint session of the U.S. Congress. I was just elected prime
minister. And I said that the greatest threat facing humanity is that Iran
would acquire nuclear weapons. Some eyebrows were raised at the time. I can tell
you, 14 years later, that most of the world's leaders today agree with this.
There is a question of the distance between understanding and effective
action, and that is the ultimate test of leadership and history. KING: Would you ban
all nuclear weapons throughout the -- the world -- would you ban nuclear
weaponry entirely? NETANYAHU: Well, that's
beyond my scope. I mean, this is -- this is a worthy cause, but it's -- it's
a very complicated issue. And I'm sure you realize that the most important
thing is preventing the most dangerous weapons in the world from falling into
the hands of the most dangerous regimes. And this is what we really are
facing today. We're facing the prospect that people who talk about
destruction, who deny the Holocaust, who sponsor terrorism everywhere, who
shoot their own citizens on the sidewalk -- you know, they lie there. Remember that young woman lying there, choking in
her own blood. These people who have absolutely no inhibitions about the use
of violence and brutality would acquire the weapons of mass terror, the
ultimate mass terror weapons, which is atomic bombs. That's a very, very
dangerous development for all of us. KING: Would there
be any point -- may sound ridiculous, but speaking is better than killing.
Would there be any point for you to sit down with Ahmadinejad? NETANYAHU: Well, if he
wanted to change the policies of Iran. We used to have friendly relations
with Iran. It actually recognized Israel. We had exchanges all the time. But,
you know, tell me -- when Ahmadinejad decides to recognize the state of
Israel and seek peace with it, believe me, I'll be there eagerly waiting. But
I'm afraid I don't see that. I see the very opposite. KING: Some more
moments. We have a couple segments left with the prime minister of Israel,
Benjamin Netanyahu. Don't go away. (NEWS BREAK) KING: We're back
with Benjamin Netanyahu, prime minister of Israel. So thankful to give us
this hour tonight on "LARRY KING LIVE." As we say, we go back a
long way. What do you make of Iraq -- no, no, well, I'm leaving "LARRY
KING LIVE" in November. But I'm going to be around. We're going to do
specials. We're going to come to the Middle East. NETANYAHU: Oh, good.
Good, I'll -- then I'll entertain you again in Israel. It will be a good
refresher. KING: It will be my
pleasure. Don't forget, you committed, if we can get all three leaders on
together, we're going to do that show. NETANYAHU: You can do it
anytime. You have one. KING: OK. Are you -- well,
I think we can get Jordan. If we get -- we're fine if we get Abbas. What do
you make of what's going to happen in Iraq? Will that hold together? NETANYAHU: I hope so. I mean, we
are -- we are rooting for the success of the American effort and of the Iraqi
effort to stabilize Iraq. It went through a very
difficult period. We want to see a peaceful Middle East. We want to see a
moderate Middle East. I think there's a larger battle taking place between
the forces of modernity and the forces of Medievalism. There's no other word
that I could use to describe this militancy that tries not merely to
eradicate Israel, but to bring down any moderate government in the Arab world
and in the Middle East. In a way, there's a -- this is the first time in my
lifetime that the -- many of the Arab governments and Israel understand that
there's a great -- a great foe that threatens all of us. And that is the
basis of a broader understanding. I don't think peace should be merely forged
by common dangers. It should be forged also by the benefits, the blessings of
peace, economic blessings, the human blessings of every sort. But today the
context of the peace is made perhaps more likely and more possible because of
this common enemy that threatens Israel and Arab countries alike. KING: What's -- what about
Hezbollah, Lebanon, that -- four years since the war with Hezbollah and
Lebanon. Are you still concerned about them? NETANYAHU: Unfortunately, yes,
because it is basically an Iranian terror proxy.
Look, Lebanon was the Switzerland of the Middle East. It had -- it's a very
beautiful country. It had robust economy. And Iran has moved its surrogates,
Hezbollah, into Lebanon. It has piled weapons there. They fire those weapons
on Israel. They undermine any attempt at moderation, any movement towards
peace. We always hoped that Lebanon -- we always said, we
don't know who the first country to make peace with Israel, which country
that would be, but certainly Lebanon would be the second country. And, you
know, it hasn't happened, not because many Lebanese don't want it, but
because radical forces, pro-Iranian forces, like Hezbollah, are preventing
it. And so you have these two enclaves next to Israel,
one in the south, Gaza, controlled by one proxy of Hezbollah, preventing the
people there from making peace with Israel. And then another enclave in the
north, in Lebanon, controlled by another Iranian proxy, Hezbollah, preventing
the Lebanese from making peace with Israel, and threatening to throw the
entire region into a maelstrom of violence and terror. That's happened before.
I hope it doesn't happen again. But Hezbollah and Hamas are basically Iranian
surrogates. As long as Iran doesn't want peace, they don't want peace. KING: Touch some
other bases before you leave, as we have one segment to go. You've invited
President Obama to visit Israel. What has he said? NETANYAHU: Well, you
know, he'll decide the appropriate time. But I have to tell you that we had a
very, very, very productive conversation. And I think that when we have a
chance to sit, as we do, one on one, I think it's very, very productive for
Israel, for the United States and for the quest for peace. KING: We'll be back
with our remaining moments with the prime minister after this. [. . .] KING: Couple of
other things, Mr. prime minister. How would you describe the relationship of
your country with Secretary of State Clinton? And how do you measure her work
in the peace process? NETANYAHU: I greatly
respect Secretary Clinton. You know, I worked with her husband, Bill. I got
to know Hillary on her visits to Israel. She's always a welcomed guest. I
think she's knowledgeable. I think Secretary Clinton was a very wise choice
on the part of President Obama. And we'll be happy to work with her if the president
so designates, and he often does. KING: There's some
video getting a lot of attention on the web, supposedly of Israeli soldiers
dancing while on patrol in Hebron. What do you know of that? NETANYAHU: I don't know.
I hear it for the first time. KING: So do I. They
gave me a note here and said it's on the web. NETANYAHU: I don't know.
If you talk to me -- if you want to invite me again, I will be able to
respond to it. KING: We'll invite
you any time. Are you ever able -- you're prime minister of Israel. A
previous prime minister was assassinated. You live in the center of a hostile
world. Are you ever able to really relax? NETANYAHU: Yeah. You
know, yes. And I'll tell you when. Every Saturday, our Sabbath, we have a day
off. It's a very good idea that this institution was brought into the world.
So I have a day off. And every Saturday, I take an hour and a half, and I
read from the Bible with my younger boy. He has just won the National Bible
Championship in Israel and he came third in the international. It's like the
big spelling bee, you know, huge. I relax then. I draw a lot of spiritual strength.
You know, I used to teach him. He is now 15. But in the last couple of years,
he teaches me. So, yes, I draw enormous reservoirs of strength and I think
that is needed for all leaders, but especially for the leaders of Israel. KING: Four years
ago, the former prime minister, Ariel Sharon, suffered a stroke. He is still
alive. Do you ever go to see him? What is that story? NETANYAHU: It's a tragedy. Ariel
Sharon was one of the great leaders of Israel. He's, in my judgment, the
greatest general that Israel has had in modern times. He has contributed a
lot to the country. And, unfortunately, he suffered, as you say, the stroke.
We can all pray that somehow he miraculously recovers. But that has not
happened yet. But I think the people of Israel value his contributions. I
certainly do. KING: Earlier in
the program, you mentioned that Hamas is still holding Gilad Shalit -- I
believe that's the way you pronounce his name -- the Israeli soldier they
captured four years ago. NETANYAHU: Yes. KING: Any late word
on any efforts? NETANYAHU: Well, we've
had a German mediator, very able man, trying to broker the release. I'm prepared to release 1,000 Palestinian prisoners
for Gilad. But so far there's not been an official response of
Hamas to this offer that the mediator has made. I have accepted it. They have
not. I can only hope that they change their mind. KING: In our
remaining moments, Mr. prime minister, do you think -- how old are you now? NETANYAHU: I'm 60 years
old, Larry. And showing it. KING: Do you think
that in your lifetime, you will really see peace in your region? NETANYAHU: I think it's
possible to achieve it, yes. Will we achieve it with the entire Middle East?
That, I cannot say. Can we achieve it with the Palestinians? I say
absolutely. I say that with conviction, because I think it's a question of a
rightness for our people's perspective. There is already time. It's now. I
think for many Palestinians, the time is now. And I'm prepared to make that
effort. It requires a lot of courage. Maybe that's the
quality that supersedes all others. Because if you don't have courage,
everything else fails. But if you have it, then everything else is possible.
We have the courage to make peace. And I hope -- I fervently hope that our
Palestinian neighbors have similar courage. With the help of the United
States, I think it can be done, yeah. Absolutely. KING: Thank you,
Mr. prime minister. Have a safe trip home. We hope to see you again very
soon. NETANYAHU: Thank you.
Come and visit us, Larry. Thank you. KING: Prime
Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu. Time now for "AC 360." [10] Este documento del Pentágono fue
aparentemente desclasificado en 1979 pero no se publicó hasta 1984. "Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense";
Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2. (Winter, 1984), pp. 122-126. [11]
Netanyahu, B. 2000. A durable peace: Israel and its place among the nations,
2 edition. New York: Warner Books. (APPENDIX: The Pentagon Plan, June 29,
1967; pp.433-437) [11a] “Abbas sets
terms for Mideast talks”; Reuters; RAMALLAH | Sat Jul 17, 2010 3:37pm EDT; By
Tom Perry “RAMALLAH West
Bank (Reuters) - Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas said Israel must agree
to the idea of a third party guarding the borders of a future Palestinian
state before direct peace talks can start.” [12]
The context of the conversations between Manhigut Yehudit, Moshe Feiglin’s
movement, and HIR’s Francisco Gil-White, which resulted in Feiglin divulging
to his audience the Nazi origins of PLO/Fatah, may be found in the
following article: “Leaders Lied,
Jews died. Why have Israeli leaders been lying to their fellow citizens about
the Fatah/PLO?” Historical and Investigative Research; 10 July 2007; by
Francisco Gil-White |
Notify me of new HIR pieces! |